Soon, it will be four years since the military coup, and along with it, four years since the Spring Revolution emerged. Initially, public protests against the military were strong, but over time, they waned. Some individuals turned to armed resistance, fighting against the military regime.
Myanmar’s military dictatorship has deeply rooted itself in the country’s history since its independence. Successive constitutions, including the 1947, 1974, and 2008 versions, have upheld authoritarian systems dominated by military rule. Elections in 2010 and 2015 gave people hope for democracy and federalism but ultimately failed to deliver substantial change under the 2008 Constitution.
The entrenched ideology of “ Bamar supremacy” and authoritarianism has persisted into the modern era. The military coup in 2021 is another example of the junta clinging to power, aiming to prevent the disintegration of the Union by forcefully holding it together. This analysis explores why the military regime remains resilient, focusing on the current system without delving deeply into history.
- Military, Police, and Administrative Machinery
The first pillar that sustains the military junta is its control over the military, police, and administrative machinery. These institutions are integral to state governance, economic management, education, and national development. Militarized structures are also critical for national defense.
As of 2021, Myanmar had over 30 ministries and 14 regional military commands under the control of the military. However, only 12 commands remain fully functional due to areas being controlled by ethnic armed organizations such as the MNDAA and AA. Additionally, under the Ministry of Home Affairs, police units are structured regionally and by district. No matter how a nation is structured, the true effectiveness lies primarily in the provisions enshrined within its framework.
Therefore, when examining the structure of a constitution, power becomes a critical element. Looking at how state power is defined in the 2008 Constitution, Chapter (1), Article (4) states that “Sovereign power of the State is derived from the citizens and is in force throughout the Union.” However, when we turn to Article (6)(f), it states that “The Union consistently aims for the participation of the Defense Services in the leading role of national politics.”
This creates a paradox: while Article (4) suggests that sovereignty resides with the people, Article (6)(f) manipulates this by stipulating that no matter what happens in the country, nothing can be done without the involvement of the military. This is a blatant contradiction. This example serves as a brief illustration of the issue at hand.
Another critical aspect of this nation is the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC), which is controlled by the military. Why is it said to be under military control? The NDSC, which is composed of 11 members, includes the President, the two Vice Presidents, the Speaker of the Pyithu Hluttaw (House of Representatives), the Speaker of the Amyotha Hluttaw (House of Nationalities), the Commander-in-Chief of the Defense Services, the Deputy Commander-in-Chief, the Minister of Defense, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Minister of Home Affairs, and the Minister of Border Affairs. Among these, the military occupies as many as six positions, ensuring significant influence over the council.
As a result, the military, which has usurped full authority beyond even the President, is positioned to seize power whenever it desires. By maintaining control over the military, police, and armed organizations, it is able to manipulate the nation and its people through reliance on force. This dynamic has become one of the key reasons for the prolonged existence of military dictatorship.
- Crony Networks
The second pillar propping up the military junta is its network of business cronies. In Myanmar, the cronies—familiarly referred to as “ A Ba, A Ba” —have continued to thrive by collaborating with the military, even during challenging times. Numerous cronies are closely allied with the military, forming a network so extensive that it pervades nearly all aspects of the country’s economy and governance. Alongside the well-established cronies, a new generation of cronies has also emerged, expanding their influence.
Despite the country’s hardships, these cronies have accumulated immense wealth, often at the expense of the general populace. The gap between the rich and the poor has widened dramatically, with the affluent growing even richer while the impoverished sink deeper into poverty. Within this unequal system, the middle class has nearly disappeared, leaving a society starkly divided by economic disparity.
During the eras of General Ne Win and General Than Shwe, cronies actively collaborated with the military, perpetuating the poverty and suffering of the people. Within Myanmar’s privileged elite, the military network stands at the forefront, followed closely by crony groups. These cronies include not only members from the majority population but also individuals from ethnic minority groups. Among them, Shan State (North) has been notably prominent in producing influential cronies.
One significant figure is U Tun Myint Naing, also known as Steven Law, the owner of Asia World Company. Other powerful individuals include those who dominate the jade trade and wield influence in the Kokang region, such as Phe Sauk Chain, Wei Hsueh Kang, Muse Chang, and the heads of Fulilai Company, Liou Apauk, and U Maung Maung. These individuals are widely recognized for their close ties to the military, positioning them as key players in the crony network that has flourished over successive regimes.
In the Pao region, U Nay Win Tun, a key figure from the PNO People’s Army, is one of the major cronies working in collaboration with the military. In Rakhine, U Kyauk Taung stands as a prominent crony, while in Karen State, the BGF leader, General Saw Chit Thu, holds significant influence. In Kachin State U Yawt Zaw Khaung from Jade Land Company in-law of U Khet Htein Nan, the appointed Kachin Minister, closely linked with the military, are also recognized as cronies.
In the Myanmar military faction, U Tay Za, U Htay Myint, Joe Nathan, Kyaw Thaung, and the late crony Aung Lwin Aung (Died), as well as Tun Min Lat, are among those who maintain connections with the military. These individuals and others continue to provide substantial financial support, surpassing billions, to the military and contribute to military weapon procurement, facilitating the continued power of the military through economic and arms-related means.
The Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), which is owned by the military, and the Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEH), are working together with businesses that are still exploiting the country’s resources. These businesses, which are involved in mining for jade, minerals, timber, construction, and other sectors, are benefiting from military connections and leveraging these opportunities to support the survival and strength of the military regime. These crony groups, through their financial and material support, play a crucial role in strengthening the military. Thus, it can be said that these groups are the second most important pillars supporting the military, acting as vital stakeholders in the regime’s ongoing control.
- The political parties that support the military junta
Political parties that participate in the illegal elections organized by the military junta are providing support to the military regime, thus contributing to the prolongation of military rule. These parties are incentivized by the opportunities, positions, and honors granted by the military. Those who align themselves with the junta, benefiting from these advantages, often play a role in enabling the military to maintain power, including in areas where the junta’s forces have committed atrocities against the people. These political parties, therefore, serve as collaborators, aiding the military in consolidating its rule.
Over the past 70 years in Myanmar, every generation has been involved in resisting military rule, fighting battles in various ways and places. However, to this day, no one in the country has truly experienced the essence of freedom. Political parties and organizations, which have been under the boots of military generals, continue to operate under their control. The 2008 election, which was designed to sustain the military dictatorship, has been proven to be fraudulent over the past 70 years.
Is it that they cannot see these issues, are unaware of them, or are they pretending not to know? Or, is it that they are knowingly supporting and aligning with the military? This is a key observation about the political parties supporting the military. Currently, more than 50 political parties have been registered and granted permission to operate under the military-controlled Election Commission. They claim to want stability in the country, but they cannot proceed with political activities as usual. What is needed is the establishment of a true federal democracy system.
The emergence of a federal democracy system will ensure national equality and grant the right to self-determination. Only through this process can a true union be established. However, the presence of political parties aligned with the military, which support violence, is tantamount to endorsing brutality. Participating in illegal elections, which are not accepted by the people, further strengthens the military’s prolonged rule, and these parties act as pillars that continue to sustain the military regime.
- Religious Extremists and Military Lobbyists
After the military coup, when the military leaders began to face defeats in their battles, they resorted to using religious extremism as a tool for control. Just as a fire needs wind to spread, religious flames are fanned by military lobbyists and extremist groups. By exploiting ethnic and religious conflicts, the military has continued to use these tactics for political gain. In the northern Shan battles, the military-backed council promoted religiously motivated attacks by instigating ethnic and religious divisions. In Rakhine, similar tactics were employed by pitting Muslims against the Rakhine people based on ethnic lines. Muslims were threatened, coerced, and forced into inhumane conditions, with their homes set ablaze. Protests were suppressed under intense pressure. Since the 1988 military-led regime, the military has continued to support and control religious extremist groups (MBTF), utilizing them for its own purposes.
Currently, religiously prominent monasteries are involved in transactions and have been organized under the support of the Military-backed MBTF group. For instance, in Kanplu District, the monk U Wathawa is leading the Pyu Saw Htee groups in collaboration with the military. In the Mandalay region, another prominent monk, who is also a member of the Sangha, Paung Ko Taw, has been assigned by the military to lead the Pyu Saw Htee people’s army in their operations. These religious figures are being used as tools to further the military’s objectives, including mobilizing forces for military actions and coercing local communities into participating in these activities.
In this manner, the military junta has involved Buddhist monks from the MBTF group, offering titles, privileges, and positions to consolidate their support and promote the military agenda. U Nu’s ideology of declaring Buddhism as the state religion has not been accepted by people of other religions, and this issue still persists to this day. The military leaders were aware of the dissent against these actions. However, during times of instability in the country, the military leaders have utilized religious groups to rally support for their cause. By fostering divisions along religious and ethnic lines, they have led campaigns of coercion and violence, capitalizing on religious and ethnic tensions. These actions of military leaders must be acknowledged and critically examined, as they are aimed at perpetuating division and conflict.
No. 5: Countries Legitimizing the Military Junta
There are certain foreign countries that are helping to legitimize the actions of the military junta, including well-known nations such as China and Russia. Additionally, India is also among the countries providing military support to the junta. Despite calls from organizations like Justice for Myanmar (JFM) for India to halt the sale of arms and all forms of military support, including military training, India continues to be involved in supporting the junta’s military operations. JFM issued a statement on March 27, 2024, urging India to stop its military cooperation with the junta.
Subsequently, Justice for Myanmar (JFM) issued another statement on June 21, 2024, revealing that India had shipped military weapons worth $5 million to the Myanmar junta. India and the military junta have a long-standing historical relationship, and it has been reported by military leaders that naval officers have been sent by China, Russia, and India to Myanmar. Regarding China, despite increasing tensions along the Myanmar-China border, China played a role in pushing for a ceasefire in the conflict, urging armed groups like the MNDAA, TNLA, and KIA to halt fighting, especially when trade valued in billions of dollars was impacted by the intensifying conflict.
China, in its efforts to ensure the cessation of hostilities, has put pressure on revolutionary groups to halt their actions, while simultaneously working to establish the military junta as the legitimate government of Myanmar through its influence in ASEAN. China has issued statements affirming that no country should interfere in Myanmar’s internal affairs. Furthermore, China has played a diplomatic role in encouraging peace talks and aligning with the junta, adopting a stance that complicates the Spring Revolution and presents a significant challenge for those advocating for change. This positioning of China represents a delicate balance between pursuing its own interests and navigating the broader geopolitical landscape in the region.
In conclusion, it is important to recognize that some foreign nations also play a role in supporting the military junta, contributing to its prolonged existence. In order to dismantle the junta’s stronghold, it is necessary to reassess the external support and make efforts to dismantle the structural frameworks that uphold it. If the junta collapses, these supporting pillars will likely crumble as well, and their disintegration could lead to the collapse of the junta itself. Despite substantial financial backing from cronies, which exceeds billions of dollars, and military equipment support from certain foreign countries, the junta’s grip remains strong. For example, the junta has received additional supplies of aircraft and naval vessels by the end of 2024. However, removing all these supporting structures would require intensive and sustained efforts akin to the 1027 military campaign. On the international front, continued diplomatic efforts, including investigations and revelations by organizations such as Justice for Myanmar (JFM), are crucial to expose the illegitimacy of the junta and hold those responsible accountable.
Saw Mrat Thwee